“You wait till Larry comes and I tell him my theory!” The bids, duly sealed, were given into the keeping of the commissary officer to be put in his safe, and kept until the day of judgment, when all being opened in public and in the presence of the aspirants, the lowest would[Pg 188] get the contract. It was a simple plan, and gave no more opportunity for underhand work than could be avoided. But there were opportunities for all that. It was barely possible—the thing had been done—for a commissary clerk or sergeant, desirous of adding to his pittance of pay, or of favoring a friend among the bidders, to tamper with the bids. By the same token there was no real reason why the commissary officer could not do it himself. Landor had never heard, or known, of such a case, but undoubtedly the way was there. It was a question of having the will and the possession of the safe keys. "Well, I believe our boys 's all right. They're green, and they're friskier than colts in a clover field, but they're all good stuff, and I believe we kin stand off any ordinary gang o' guerrillas. I'll chance it, anyhow. This's a mighty valuable train to risk, but it ought to go through, for we don't know how badly they may need it. You tell your engineer to go ahead carefully and give two long whistles if he sees anything dangerous." "Fine-looking lot of youngsters," he remarked. "They'll make good soldiers." "That's just what he was, the little runt, and we had the devil's own time finding him. What in Sam Hill did the Captain take him for, I'd like to know? Co. Q aint no nursery. Well, the bugler up at Brigade Headquarters blowed some sort of a call, and Skidmore wanted to know what it meant. They told him that it was an order for the youngest man in each company to come up there and get some milk for his coffee tomorrow morning, and butter for his bread. There was only enough issued for the youngest boys, and if he wanted his share he'd have to get a big hustle on him, for the feller whose nose he'd put out o' joint 'd try hard to get there ahead o' him, and get his share. So Skidmore went off at a dead run toward the sound of the bugle, with the boys looking after him and snickering. But he didn't come back at roll-call, nor at tattoo, and the smart Alecks begun to get scared, and abuse each other for setting up a job on a poor, innocent little boy. Osc Brewster and Ol Perry, who had been foremost in the trick had a fight as to which had been to blame. Taps come, and he didn't get back, and then we all became scared. I'd sent Jim Hunter over to Brigade Headquarters to look for him, but he came back, and said they hadn't seen anything of him there. Then I turned out the whole company to look for him. Of course, them too-awfully smart galoots of Co. A had to get very funny over our trouble. They asked why we didn't get the right kind of nurses for our company, that wouldn't let the members stray out of their sight? Why we didn't call the children in when the chickens went to roost, undress 'em, and tuck 'em in their little beds, and sing to 'em after they'd said 'Now I lay me down to sleep?' I stood it all until that big, hulking Pete Nasmith came down with a camp-kettle, which he was making ring like a bell, as he yelled out, 'Child lost! Child lost!' Behind him was Tub Rawlings singing, 'Empty's the cradle, baby's gone.' Then I pulled off my blouse and slung it into my tent, and told 'em there went my chevrons, and I was simply Scott Ralston, and able to lick any man in Co. A. One o' their Lieutenants came out and ordered them back to their quarters, and I deployed the company in a skirmish-line, and started 'em through the brush toward Brigade Headquarters. About three-quarters o' the way Osc Brewster and Ol Perry, when going through a thicket, heard a boy boo-hooing. They made their way to him, and there was little Skidmore sitting on a stump, completely confused and fagged out. He'd lost his way, and the more he tried to find it the worse he got turned around. They called out to him, and he blubbered out: 'Yes, it's me; little Pete Skidmore. Them doddurned fools in my company 've lost me, just as I've bin tellin' 'em right along they would, durn 'em.' Osc and Ol were so tickled at finding him that they gathered him up, and come whooping back to camp, carrying him every step of the way." And the rush stopped. Cadnan waited for a second, but there was no more. "Dara is not to die," he said. Then he saw Orion hanging over him, very low in the windy sky, shaking with frost. His eyes fixed themselves on the constellation, then gradually he became aware of the sides of a cart, of the smell of straw, of the movement of other bodies that sighed and stirred beside him. The physical experience was now complete, and soon the emotional had shaped itself. Memory came, rather sick. He remembered the fight, his terror, the flaming straw, the crowd that constricted and crushed him like a snake. His rage and hate rekindled, but this time without focus—he hated just everyone and everything. He hated the wheels which jolted him, his body because it was bruised, the other bodies round him, the stars that danced above him, those unknown footsteps that tramped beside him on the road. Farewell to Jane and Caroline!" HoME大香蕉色人阁 ENTER NUMBET 0017
Infertility and assisted reproduction in Denmark. Epidemiology and psychosocial consequences
by
Schmidt L.
University of Copenhagen,
Faculty of Health Sciences,
Institute of Public Health,
Department of Social Medicine, Denmark.
l.schmidt@pubhealth.ku.dk Dan Med Bull. 2006 Nov;53(4):390-417.
ABSTRACTClinically a couple is considered to be infertile after at least one year without contraception and without pregnancy. There was scant knowledge about the prevalences of infertility, involuntary childlessness and the seeking of fertility treatment and only few longitudinal studies about the psychosocial consequences of infertility and its treatment. This thesis is about the epidemiological aspects of infertility; the conceptualization and measurement of important psychosocial aspects of infertility; and a medical sociological analysis of the associations between these psychosocial variables among Danish women and men in fertility treatment. The thesis is based on nine papers. The three main purposes were: (i) to review critically, population based studies of infertility and medical care seeking in industrialised countries. Further, to examine these prevalences and subsequent motherhood among women in former assisted reproduction in a Danish population. (ii) To develop measures of psychosocial consequences of infertility: fertility problem stress, marital benefit, communication, coping strategies, attitudes to and evaluation of fertility treatment. (iii) To examine these phenomena and to analyse their interrelations among Danish women and men in fertility treatment. The thesis is based on four empirical studies: (i) The Women and Health Survey, a cross-sectional population-based study among 15-44 year old women (n=907, 25-44 year old) in Copenhagen County, 1989. (ii) The Psychosocial Infertility Interview Study, a qualitative interview study among 16 couples (n=2 participants) infertility treatment at The Fertility Clinic, Herlev University Hospital,1992. (iii) The Infertility Cohort, a longitudinal cohort study consecutively including all couples (n=250 participants) beginning anew fertility treatment period at one of four public (Braedstrup, Herlev, Odense, Rigshospitalet) and one private fertility clinic (Trianglen),2000-2002. (iv) The Communication and Stress Management Training Programme, an intervention study among couples(n=74 participants) in fertility treatment at The Fertility Clinic, The Juliane Marie Centre, Rigshospitalet, 2001-2003. Included is also a literature review of population-based infertility studies from industrialised countries. Data from (iii) and (iv) are studies from The Copenhagen Multi-centre Psychosocial Infertility (COMPI) Research Programme (www.compipro.dk). Epidemiological and demographic studies investigating the prevalences of infertility differed in how they defined the numerator (the infertile participants) and the denominator (the population at risk). It was important to calculate reliable estimates of the infertility prevalence by including only women who had tried to have at least one child in the population at risk, as a notable proportion of women in the fertile ages had not (yet) attempted to become a mother. The lifetime prevalence of infertility in the representative population-based study was 26.4%. In the age group 35 to 44 years 5.8% were primarily involuntarily in fecund (involuntarily childless). Even in a country with access to fertility treatment in a public health-care system without self-payment lower education was a predictor of lower treatment seeking. In the cohort study (2000-2002)of couples starting a new period of assisted reproduction treatment 62.6% reported a treatment-related pregnancy at the one-year follow-up. In total 32.4% reported a treatment-related delivery. In total 24.2% reported a current continuing pregnancy and spontaneous pregnancies accounted for 2.7% of these. We developed measures of fertility problem stress, marital benefit(that infertility has brought the partners closer together and strengthened their marriage), partner communication, infertility related communication, coping strategies, attitudes to fertility treatment and evaluation of care. The medical sociological analyses showed that the variables of psychosocial consequences of infertility and treatment are interwoven with each others in a complex pattern, a pattern that both differed and was similar when comparing women and men. The infertility-related communication strategy (secrecy, formal, open-minded)identified in the qualitative interviews was later confirmed in the COMPI Infertility Cohort. Using the formal strategy and not talking about the emotional aspects of infertility and its treatment suggested high fertility problem stress. The coping strategies studied showed significant social differences and active-avoidance coping was a significant predictor of high fertility problem stress. A positive effect of infertility on the marriage, marital benefit was common. Men using the secrecy communication strategy had increased risk of low marital benefit. Difficult partner communication was a significant predictor of high fertility problem stress and among men, of low marital benefit. The intervention study showed that it was possible for the participants to change their communication with partner and other people close to them and that participants achieved an increased awareness of what, how much and when to discuss with others. High fertility problem stress and high marital benefit were associated with high importance ratings of patient-centred care and intentions to use professional psychosocial services. Among women, high fertility problem stress was a predictor of lower satisfaction ratings with fertility treatment. High marital benefit was a predictor of high satisfaction ratings of both medical and patient-centred care. In conclusion, infertility is a common experience among couples attempting to become parents. Assisted reproduction in the public health-care system in Denmark has high success rates, i.e. pregnancies,deliveries and high patient satisfaction. A large minority of people in fertility treatment experience high fertility problem stress,and some use communication and coping strategies that predicts high stress. Developing and evaluating different psychosocial interventions are necessary to offer the psychosocial support needed for this minority of fertility patients.Contraception
Fertility control
Personal genomics
5-HTTPR polymorphism
Selecting potential children
Transhumanism/Brave New World?
Gene therapy and performance enhancement
The commercialisation of pre-natal enhancement
Refs
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